Human Growth And Development

compassionate Growth And DevelopmentHuman existence is non static and people atomic number 18 developing ceaselessly (Thompson and Thompson, 2008 83). For this reason, an understanding of training is central to undertaking professional companionable feed at a high level of competence (Ibid. 99). This case seduce focuses on Tony and Jan, their adopted nine year old son sur showcase-to-air missile, refreshed bollix and Jans m otherwise Dorothy. It is evident from reading this familys background information that a loving prepareer should consider theories of valet de chambre harvest-festival and learning in order to full assess their circumstances and doings. Hence, this is where our attention go away promptly turn but as clip does non permit friendliness of all family members, for the purpose of this assignment deuce will be grueling on Sam and Jan. SamSam was adopted by Tony and Jan at quaternity days old, a move which, despite initial reservations, was succe ssful. However, in recent months Sams behaviour has deteriorated and this, a retentiveside other chores, has led to the family seeking support. has tenacious been regarded as signifi undersurfacet in childrens development (Aldgate, 2007 57). Bowlby (1977 203) described supplement behaviour as behaviour resulting in a person attaining or retaining propinquity to a nonher variousiated and preferred individual, usually considered healthfuler and/or wiser. He considered it inherent to human nature, seen to varying extents in all human beings and performed the biological race of protection (Bowlby, 1988 22). can be affected when separated from a of import adhesiveness figure curiously if this happens involuntarily such(prenominal)(prenominal) as when a child is removed from their p atomic number 18nts care (Aldgate, 2007 64). Irrespective of their foregoing bond views, they will find this f objurgateening because they do non grapple who to turn to ease them return to a st ate of equilibrium (Ibid.). This rationalizes why children who bemuse experience abuse may still indirect request to be with their parents, even if they are insecurely attached to them (Ibid.) and could illustrate why Sam was recently pro runneling that he wanted to go back to his real beat. Daniel (2006 193) asserts children between the ages six months and four years are most vulnerable when separated from bail figures because during these archean years children lack the cognitive skills to comprehend the events leading to separation and this mate with the propensity for magical thinking, means young children are highly apt(predicate) to blame themselves for the loss. Sam was adopted at four years old and although we know little about the circumstances with his birth parents, importantly his appurtenance bond was broken at this point. Aldgate (2007 65) notes children who piss lost attachment figures through entering the care system are at run a risk of further harm by in bleak responses to their attachment needs. Furthermore, children beginning modern push throughments with insecure attachment behaviour may test the parenting qualification of their carers (Ibid.) which could explain Sams recent deteriorating behaviour. Following two decades of explore demonstrating that placement breakdown is an on-going problem in the UK (Ibid.), practiti atomic number 53rs working with this family should be especially careful to evidence to prevent this. bail bond opening differs from traditional psychoanalytic theories because it rejects the illustration of development proposing an individual passes through a series of stages, in which they may run fixated or regress (Bowlby, 1988 135). Instead, this model sees the individual as progressing along single of m any potential developmental pathways, close to of which are or are not compatible with healthy development (Ibid.). Yet, the role of parents in organization a childs genius has been critique d by Harris (1999 xv 359), who crackings an alternative viewpoint in The Nurture Assumption and proposes it is experiences in childhood and adolescent peer congregations that diversify a childs personality in ways that will be carried off to pornographichood. Whats more, OConnor and Nilson (2007 319) argue that amongst children in the boost care system, attachment is considered a efficacious but diffuse source of behavioural and emotional problems. Almost any disruptive behaviour can be attributed to attachment difficulties in primeval bloods and the early experiences are often suggested as the only source of their problems, after minimising the role of the accredited placement experiences (Ibid.). They contend following research demonstrating foster parents attachment and care freehanded does influence the childs attachment to them, it is crucial that the impact of early attachment experiences on later development should not be considered independently of current caregivi ng environments (Ibid. 320). Finally, providing that new attachment figures for children can move to childrens attachment needs sensitively and are committed to handle any behaviour that may test their staying power, it is call upd early patterns can be modified or discontinued (Aldgate, 2007 66). Bronfenbrenners (1979) environmental science of Human Development looks beyond the impact of attachment to caregivers on development and offers very much in terms of aiding our understanding of this families situation and behaviour. Bronfenbrenner (Ibid. 3) developed his broader potential to development, providing new conceptions of the developing person, the environment and the evolving interaction between them. He focussed on the progressive accommodation, throughout the intent span, between the growing human organism and the changing environments in which it actually lives and grows. The latter include not only the immediate settings containing the developing person but withal t he bigger complaisant contexts, both formal and informal, in which these settings are embedded. (Bronfenbrenner, 1977 513). gibe to Bronfenbrenner (1979. 22), the ecological environment is comprised of a nested organisation of concentric structures with each one contained deep down the next. He labelled these the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem and each layer of a childs environment affects their development. When looking at the microsystem, the pattern of roles, interpersonal dealings and activities undergo by the developing person in a given setting (Ibid.), in that location are ways this could possess affected Sams development. For instance, within the family setting Jan has struggled to fence since the unexpected arrival of their fry, which subsequently could have affected Sams relationship with her. He now has to share his mothers attention with his sibling and may be cutaneous senses left out or jealous. Furthermore, the expense of IVF has resulte d in Tony working more, rendition him absent from the household more frequently. This change may have influenced Sams relationship with Tony and he may be missing having his father around as in the past. Additionally, following his adoption, Dorothy felt un certain(prenominal)(prenominal) whether to regard Sam as her real grandson, a tension which Sam may sensed himself.Bronfenbrenner (Ibid.7) also regarded the connections between other people in the setting of equal wideness because of their indirect influence on the developing child through the publication they have on those who deal first hand with that person. Sams development could have been affected by strained relations between his parents as a result of Jan not receiving the support she needs from her husband due to his work commitments. Similarly, relations between Jan and Dorothy have become tense since the babys arrival with Jan expecting Dorothys attentionance, which has not materialised. Beyond the microsystem, an exosystem refers to settings that the developing person is not involved in as an active participant but in which events occur that affect, or are affected by, what happens in the setting containing the developing person (Ibid. 25). Bronfenbrenner (Ibid.) offered a childs parents place of work as an example and with the need for Tony to work as much as practicable, any stresses he experiences in the work environment could conflict upon Sams development even though Sam spends no time in this setting himself. This conjecture recognises everyone exists within a context influencing who they are and how they respond to situations in action (Phelan, 2004 online). Whilst the building blocks in the environmental aspect of this hypothesis were familiar concepts in the amicable and behavioural sciences, the way in which these entities connect to one another and to development was new (Bronfenbrenner, 1979 8). Hence, forrader this theory, sociologists, psychologists and other specialis ts canvass narrow aspects of childrens worlds (Brendtro, 2006 163). However, Tudge et al.(2009 6) evaluated the application of Bronfenbrenners theory in recently published work and found only 4 out of 25 papers claiming to be based on his theory had utilised it allowly. They contend if theory is to go an important role in developmental studies it must be use correctly because a misery to do so means that it has not been tested appropriately data apparently supporting the theory do no such thing if the theory has been incorrectly described, and a deformed theory is impervious to attack from nonsupportive data (Ibid. 206). Adoption is required when it is not possible for a child to return home, either because the parents are futile to care for them or change their lives in a way that would be safe for that child (Brent Council, 2010 online). Whilst we are uncertain of the circumstances leading to Sams adoption, we can speculate that the care pictured by his birth parents was de ficient. Infant mental capacity research demonstrated that if in that location is grossly inadequate care in infancy, the infants brain and other abilities that depend on brain development can be compromised (Linke, 2000 online). The majority of the critical times for brain development occur before the age of six months and research indicated orphans adopted after this age make less progress than those adopted earlier (Ibid.). Furthermore, parts of the brain that determine emotions and stress responses are organised early in a childs life and may not be changeable later (Ibid.). Subsequently, parts of the embody and brain that respond to stress may become over sensitive and ready to respond to threat even when a threat is not manifest if the infant is continually exposed to trauma and stress (Ibid.). If Sam see inadequate care in infancy it is possible that he has developed over sensitive stress responses and now regards the new baby as a threat, which could provide an explan ation for his defiant behaviour and neutrality in his sibling. Pollak and the University of Wisconsin Child emotion Lab are active in researching how early life experiences affect brain development (see Child Emotion Lab, 2009 online). However, he and his colleagues stress that not all children experiencing neglect develop the equal problems (Wismer-Fries et al., 2005 17239). In their work on the role of early social experience in subsequent brain development they found children experiencing lower hormonal reactivity may go on to develop satisfactory interpersonal relationships and highlighted potentially significant individual differences operating across the control group and the previously neglected group of children (Ibid.). Furthermore, other research led by Pollak has demonstrated how adjustable the brain can be when in the right environment (University of Wisconsin News, 2003 online). Their study of 5-6 year olds who lived in orphanages during their first seven to 41 month s of life found that children performed better in many tests the longer they had lived with their foster families (Ibid.). Pollak (quoted in University of Wisconsin News, 2003 online) hopes these findings will encourage children to be placed in families earlier than in institutional settings and offer new avenues for designing more telling interventions that could help children who spent their early years in deprived environments pull in their full potential. JanEriksons life cycle approach proposes at certain points in their lives, people encounter life crises creating a conflict within themselves as individuals and between themselves and other significant people in their lives (Gibson, 2007 74). from each one life crisis provides a conflict, characterised by a pull in divergent directions by two opposing dispositions, and if the individual pass ons a favourable ease between these then they are as prepared as possible to move onto the next stage in the process (Ibid.). Howe ver, if one does not achieve this favourable ratio, this renders succeeding in subsequent life crises rugged (Ibid.). Generativity vs Stagnation is Eriksons seventh and penultimate stage of psychosocial development reporting affection adulthood and generativity is primarily the concern in establishing and guiding the next contemporaries (Erikson, 1965 258) and represents the major conflict in adulthood (Slater, 2003 57). As Slater (Ibid.) asserts, everybody has to face the crisis of parenthood whereby mmake a deliberate decision to become parents, but some become parents without conscious decision, others decide not to become parents, and still others want to become parents but cannot. The decision and its outcome provoke a crisis that calls for a re-examination of life roles. Successfully achieving this sense of generativity is important for both the individual and caller and parents demonstrate it through caring for their children (Slater, 2003 57). A failure to achieve this l eads to a olfaction of stagnation and unproductivity (Heffner, 2001 online). Jan spent a long time exhausting to become a mother to fulfil this stage in Eriksons model and achieve a favourable ratio (Erikson, 1965 262) of generativity over stagnation. After two years of trying to conceive, three unsuccessful try ons at IVF and two labored years of the adoption process, they adopted Sam and have since unexpectedly conceived naturally. However, as Erikson (Ibid. 259) asserts the mere fact of having or even wanting children does not achieve generativity. Blyth (1999 730) writing about assisted conception, importantly highlights parenthood after such efforts will not necessarily match expectations and Jans feelings of being a baseless mother and finding motherhood a struggle may be unexpected after trying for a family for such a long time. Furthermore, in this stage, the importance of adult mature dependency is implicitly inferred and suggests there are psychological rewards for t hose adults who can meet the needs of others and have other people dependent on them (Gibson, 2007 83). Jan reports feeling unable to comfort her baby and meet their needs and this should be addressed by a social worker to prevent a pervading sense of stagnation and impoverishment (Erikson, 1965 258) in this stage of the life cycle. Slater (2003 53) acknowledges Eriksons work, whilst grounded in psychoanalytic theory, rejects Freuds touch that personality is fixed by childhood experiences alone and provides an extension of the stages of development to cover adolescence, adulthood and old age. However, Rutter and Rutter (1993 1-2) criticised theories such as Eriksons viewing psychological growth as a systematic progression through a series of stages in a predetermined order, through which everyone moves, taking them closer to maturity date represented by adult functioning. This reliance on the universals of development and the notion of one developmental pathway has ignored individ ual differences (Ibid.). They believe that whilst this theory made significant contributions to understanding the processes involved in development, Eriksons approach does not fit with what is known about socio-emotional development and it is likely that children take a variety of paths, and adult outcomes cannot sensibly be reduced to mere differences in levels of maturity (Ibid. 2). Goffman (1963 preface- 3) employed the term brand name to refer to a deep discrediting attribute of an individual that disqualifies them from full social acceptance. Their possession of this attribute that makes them different means they can be reduced in peoples minds from a completely person to a discounted and tainted one (Ibid. 3). Furthermore, the wider societies standards mean the individual is awake of what others regard as their failing, which can inevitably cause them to believe they take back short of what they ought to be and subsequently dishearten becomes a central speculation (Ibid . 7). His work offers insight into how Jan may be feeling about herself after being unable to conceive for such a long time because for many women, infertility carries a hidden stigma born of shame and secrecy (Whiteford Gonzales, 1995 27). Involuntary childlessness can adversely affect an individuals relationships, their feelings about themselves and their might to function, develop and participate in society may be compromised by their inability to undertake conventional roles associated with parenting (Blyth, 1999 729-730). Whiteford Gonzalezs (Ibid. 27-35) research on 25 women who desire medical treatment for infertility, demonstrated the hidden burden of infertility reflected in the stigma, pain and spoiled identities of those interviewed. The women in their sample experienced the consequences of their social identity and suffered because they hadinternalized the social norms expressed in dominant gender roles, and in so doing see themselves as defective. They suffer from b eing denied the opportunity proceed with their lives as others do (Ibid. 35). Goffman (1963 9) believed the stigmatised person often responds to their situation by making an attempt to correct their failing. This is evident in Whiteford Gonzales (1995. 35) study where the women attempted to remedy their problem and fix the broken part of them, giving all they could to become a normal and whole person and remove the stigma of being infertile. Unfortunately, failure is the most likely outcome of infertility treatment (Blyth, 1999 729-730), as experienced by Tony and Jan, who had three unsuccessful attempts at IVF before with drawing from the programme. Moreover, Goffman (1963 9) emphasised that where such a repair is possible, this does not necessarily lead to the acquisition of fully normal status. Instead a transformation of self from someone with a particular blemish into someone with a record of having corrected a particular blemish (Ibid.) occurs, which Jan, who has successfully overcome her infertility and become a mother may be experiencing. One significant criticism levelled at Goffmans theory is of the apparently helpless role attributed to individuals with anastigmatic qualities (Carnevale, 2007 12). Furthermore, Nettleton (2006 96) reiterates the importance of recognising stigma is not an attribute of the individual but a thoroughly social concept which is generated, sustained and reproduced in the context of social inequalities instead. Nonetheless, Goffmans model mud dominant and highly respected and his representation of the social difficulties people with stigmatic qualities face is still considered highly valid (Carnevale, 2007 12).Whilst attachment behaviour is especially evident in childhood, it also characterises people from cradle to the grave (Bowlby, 1977 203). Furthermore, the capacity to form intimate emotional bonds in both the care giving and care seeking role is considered a principal feature of good personality functioning and ment al health (Bowlby, 1988 121). Bowlby (1977. 206) proposed there was a strong relationship between a persons experiences with their parents and their later ability to form emotional bonds and thatcommon variations in that capacity, manifesting themselves in marital problems and trouble with children as rise as in neurotic symptoms and personality disorders, can be attributed to certain common variations in the ways that parents perform their roles (Ibid.). Subsequently, attachment theory advocates believe many forms of psychiatric disorders can be attributed to failure of the development of attachment behaviour (Bowlby, 1977 201). This is supported by et als. (1996 310) research which found insecure attachment appeared to impact upon self-esteem and self worth contingencies resulting in depressive symptoms in adulthood. Whilst we know little of Jans attachment behaviour as a child, her relationship with her mother is precarious at present and when looking at the symptoms that Jan i s displaying they could infer she is experiencing postpartum depression. The Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale was developed by Cox et al. (1987) to assist health care professionals recognise postnatal depression. Statements used to identify the groom include Things have been getting on top of me I have been feeling sad or miserable I have been uneasy or worried for no good reason and I have blamed myself unnecessarily when things went wrong, all of which could be applied to how Jan is feeling at present. Moreover, her constant low mood and feelings of inadequacy as a mother match some of the symptoms of postnatal depression described on NHS Directs (2008 online) website. Therefore, whilst this is only a tentative explanation of Jans feelings, it should be explored by the social worker working with this family. Additionally, unresolved childhood attachment issues can forego adults vulnerable to experiencing difficulties in forming secure adult relationships (Evergreen Consulta nts in Human Behaviour, 2006 online). Attachment problems can be handed down transgenerationally unless the chain is broken and therefore, an insecurely attached adult may lack the ability to form a strong attachment with their own child (Ibid). Subsequently, uthis theory offers the possibility that deplorable formation of affectional bonds in Jans own childhood could explain why she is struggling to form an attachment bond with her own baby. Furthermore, new relations can be affected by expectations developed in previous relationships and there is a strong correlation between insecure adult attachment and marital dissatisfaction (Ibid.). This could offer an explanation for why Jan believes Tony does not provide the emotional support she requires. Nonetheless, whilst trauma experienced in the early years can be associated with problems in the long term, it should not be off-key this is disastrous for a childs physical, cognitive and emotional development and will automatically bli ght the rest of a their life (Daniel, 2006 195). As Barth et al. (2005 259) contend, while attachment problems may predispose a child towards later problems, these problems must be evaluated and treated within the context of their current environment. Social work practitioners providing appropriate interventions can make a long-term difference because adversity experienced in the early years can be compensated for and the pommel effects ameliorated if support is given (Daniel, 2006 195). Evidently, an understanding of human development theory provides more than an interesting background topic and is indispensable to good social work practice (and Thompson, 2008 139). Whilst no theories providing insights into development are foolproof, in confederacy they have much to offer to a practitioners understanding of those they work with. Thus, it is coercive a social worker should consider biological, psychological and sociological approaches in order to carry out a full and holistic p erspicacity of this familys needs. However,as Thompson and Thompson (Ibid.) assert, it is easy for practitioners to wrongly believe the knowledge base will offer off-the-peg, ready-made answers and simply apply theories to practice in a mechanical, natural covering fashion. Therefore, it is important for skilled reflective practitioners to be competent at drawing out relevant aspects of the theory base and employ them in a way that is tailored to fit the situation instead (Ibid.). Moreover, as Thompson (2009 63) emphasises, there is a danger that when looking at development across the life anatomy it can be used as a hard-and-fast framework that we expect everyone to fit into and then regard those who do not as abnormal or having a problem. Consequently, it must be value that this traditional approach taken to development across the the life course can be very oppressive and discriminate against those who do not conform to the trend (Ibid.). For this reason, the life course shou ld be considered as a means of beginning to understand common stages of development and is not a rigid framework for making judgements about abnormality (Ibid.). To conclude, as Thompson and Thompson (2008 99) inspire us, understanding development is not making everyone fit into a conventional assumption about what is normal but rather to recognise there are significant patterns that underpin growth and development and to the attitudes and behaviours associated with these.